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rural workers: a complex world

El mundo de los trabajadores rurales es más complejo que la imagen que de él tienen politicians and, in general, city dwellers.

Rural workers are 37% of the national total. Is a widespread idea that engaged only in agriculture. The reality is more nuanced, as shown by the National Household Surveys carried the INEI. Thus, according to The Survey of 2008, a quarter of rural workers not engaged in primary activities, but the manufacturing, trade and various services.

The vast majority of rural workers engaged in agriculture are independent: they are family farmers and peasants, and their number is much higher in the mountains than in the other two regions.

In contrast, agricultural workers are a minority: only one in seven workers is employed in the field, and this relation one of the lowest in Latin America. Surprising that almost half of these employees, 45% - are in the mountains, where there is relatively less developed capitalist agriculture compared to the coast, where he works 32% of employees. This would indicate that a significant portion of small farmers in the highlands employs employees, even if only eventually.

also surprising that a sizable percentage of agricultural workers are resident city: they are a third of agricultural workers.

The participation of women workers is important, but in the world of small farming large numbers unpaid. Only a small percentage of women are wage earners, even if your number has been growing in recent years, particularly with the development of modern agribusiness.

The incidence of poverty among rural workers is very high, 55%, but more so in those that are specifically dedicated to agriculture: 58% among men and 63% among women.

Limited availability land, low yields and poor access to services necessary to help maintain production in poverty to the small independent farming. In the case of rural workers, more than three-quarters do not even receive the minimum living wage, which expresses a high percentage of non-labor laws, even on the coast. Contributes to the precarious situation of instability in agricultural wage work, which was maintained even in companies duly constituted by the flexibility of certain types of contract.

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According to the Ministry of Labour, two thirds of agricultural workers in formal enterprises have contracts with 'mode', which do not guarantee their job security.

knowledge of the characteristics of rural workers is essential for labor policies, the rural development and those aimed at reducing rural poverty, to be effective.

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Exports, concentration of ownership and food security and counter-agrarian reform


Is there a relationship between country's food security, the concentration of ownership of agricultural land and exports?

Yes there is, and this is evident if we place ourselves in a perspective long-term temporary.

Currently there are approximately 1.8 million acres devoted to food production in Peru . Virtually all of this production is due to the small and medium agriculture. Peru the matter, to complete their food supply, mainly yellow maize (for poultry), wheat, oilseeds, for a total of around 1350 million U.S. dollars (2009).

By 2020 the population of Peru will have increased by 21%. The question is how to meet this increased demand for food, without increasing our dependence food?

There are only two ways, which should be complementary: increasing the agricultural frontier and / or increasing yields per hectare.

If yields are not increased, then the required amount of new land for food crop in 2010 will be proportional to population growth: 21%, or approximately 380 000 hectares. Where do these acres? One option is expanding the agricultural frontier on the coast, irrigating the land fallow (Olmos, Majes Chavimochic, etc.). But these new lands, a matter of policy, the constitution will neolatifundios, all of whom are turning their production for export. In the mountains there is no place to expand the agricultural frontier (rather than reduced). Is only the jungle, but at the expense of deforestation, ecological imbalance and release of carbon, which unfortunately is happening.

In order to increase the median income of agriculture and, above all, family farming is required, that is massive, a clear and sustained political will of governments at all levels. This implies a radical change of priorities and direction of resources: currently about three quarters of public investment in agriculture goes to great irrigation, in contrast to the tiny puny resources received by research institutions and technical extension.

The existing policy from the government of Fujimori to prioritize the formation of large estates for export goes diametrically against an adequate strategy to face the challenge of food safety in the years ahead, a strategy that would rely on the support those who produce food, agriculture and family median.

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, 41 years after


a day like today 41 years ago, the government of General Velasco reform law enacted Agricultural and simultaneously held the large agroindustrial complexes of sugar called 'sugar barons'.

the next six years, all farms were expropriated in the country. Their lands were allotted to agricultural production cooperatives (about 2.3 million hectares), Agricultural Societies of Social Interest (SAIS, 2.9 million) and rural communities and other organizations (3.5 million). 375 000 families benefited. Regionally, were expropriated and awarded 53% of the land for agricultural use of the coast and 23% of the saw.

SAIS Cooperatives and did not withstand the test of time: the first were divided by the workers in family plots, and the lands of the latter were, without exception, distributed among farming communities.

From the point of view of production, land reform was not successful. But to redistribute land, improved incomes of hundreds of thousands of families. From the standpoint of social and political development was very important: it ended the gamonalismo and servile relations, rural society democratized and allowed the conversion of peasants into citizens.

The counter-agrarian reform, which began tentatively in the eighties was accelerated in early 1990. The Constitution of 1993 removed restrictions property and reduced agricultural land protection community. Many subsequent laws deepen the liberalization of land markets, family farms marginalize and further weaken the rules that protect community rights. The manifesto written by President Garcia, "The dog in the manger syndrome" in October 2007 in black and white got strong support from his government to the rebuilding of large estates, farmers and natives should not be the owners of their resources because, says the president not know and are poor, these resources should be transferred to large investors, who have the financial resources and technologies, and also will become your new patterns. Continues the orientation of the governments of Fujimori and Toledo to reconstitute large estates.

Forty-one years after the land reform is neolatifundistas higher than that existed before the reform.

The largest of the group Gloria, controls about 60 000 hectares on the coast of Ancash and La Libertad, the Romero group, about 20 thousand hectares in Piura, Huaral and San Martin, the group Dyer (Camposol) about 24 thousand hectares in several valleys of the coast, the Maple company, 12 thousand hectares in the valley of the Chira. There are dozens of which have more neolatifundios thousand hectares. And the nearly 150 000 hectares of new public lands to be won on the coast with new irrigation made also public money.

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investment and agriculture: challenges for small producers to open up new estates or

few weeks ago, UNCTAD, United Nations agencies, organized in Geneva a high-level meeting to discuss the principles for responsible investment in agriculture.

Olivier De Schutter, a respected UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food, warned that international institutions promote two parallel and contradictory guidance on where investment should go into agriculture. For First, they should help to address problems such as in food security, rural poverty and climate change. But on the other hand, the same institutions being proposed codes of conduct to guide the process called 'land grabbing', ie, concentration in a few hands of large areas of land suitable for agricultural use by corporations, foreign governments and large domestic investors. Civil society organizations in the world reject the idea of \u200b\u200bmaking a code of conduct, founded in fear that eventually it would be irrelevant to these powerful economic actors.

emphasized that investments should benefit the poor of the South, and not to transfer resources from the rich North, and should really contribute to reducing hunger and malnutrition, rather than aggravate them. Argued that for that to happen, not only to act at the micro level of project, but should be part of a broader development strategy, macro-level. He advanced

seven theses that allow linkage between the two levels, five of which are summarized tightly be more appropriate for Peru :

1. Public policies that direct investment should not be focusing on increasing production, should contribute primarily to the development and increasing rural incomes in rural areas.

2. Agricultural investments should be part of a comprehensive strategy for poverty reduction.

3. It is vital to a human rights framework for agricultural investment is sustainable.

4. The arrival of investment in agriculture may exacerbate competition between two types of agriculture: the family farm, and the large plantation, which is very unequal competition.

5. The program of formalization of land rights not only insufficient but can be potentially harmful.

not possible, "concluded De Schutter, continue to create dispossessed, or deep r inequalities in rural areas or smaller strip farmers.

De Schutter approaches are not only reasonable, but very important for a country like ours, where there is a significant process of concentration of land ownership. Unfortunately there is nothing farther from the thesis of De Schutter public policies implemented by the current government.

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family farming?

Alan Garcia's government continues the policy initiated in the government of Alberto Fujimori, to modernize agriculture based on neolatifundios. According to the minister Agriculture, Adolfo de Cordoba, the fourth stage of Chavimochic require $ 300 million public investment to be gained for export crops 40 000 hectares. As has been in previous stages, the land will be acquired by large investors. The concentration of land ownership continues even through market mechanisms of land. The extreme case is the Gloria Group, owner of the sugar plantations (former cooperatives) Casagrande, Cartavio Sintuco and Chiquitoy, which has recently acquired control of another sugar company, San Jacinto (Nepeña Valley), which amounts to about 55 thousand hectares on the coast. Is Peru's largest landowner.

The main argument that justifies and promotes this concentration is that the large agricultural enterprise is more efficient than medium and small-scale agriculture.

Is it true this argument? Does agricultural enterprises of five hundred thousand or 5 thousand and more acres are more efficient than the 10, 20 or 50 hectares? Are there studies to support this assertion? While in Peru neolatifundismo is consolidating amid a sea of \u200b\u200bsmall-scale agriculture, there is no debate on the subject.

A recent World Bank publication involved in this important discussion on the subject the need to redistribute agricultural land when there is concentration and presents appropriate circumstances. The editor Hans Binswanger, a world authority on the subject and author of several chapters, argues emphatically that "nearly a century of research by agricultural economists across the world has produced a stylized fact contradictory: small-scale farmers usually use the land , labor and capital more efficiently than large farmers, who rely primarily on hired labor. " The author explains the reasons for this apparent paradox, which by extension can not be reproduced in this column. Binswanger

stresses, in contrast, the advantages of family farming. This is characterized in that the owners live on the farm, administer, and are assisted by other family members. He also notes the disadvantages: greater difficulty in access to input markets, products, financing, technical assistance and information. Disadvantages can be counteracted, "she says if small farmers coordinate their efforts, as indicated by the experience, through credit cooperatives and marketing.

Furthermore, in contrast to an agrarian economy based on large estates, the author argues that "increased access to land for farming families can also lead to more vital local economies, more integrated, better living standards and more retail stores.

In other words, family farming is more appropriate for the development of rural areas. There is no doubt that this discussion is highly relevant to Peru.