A significant number of farmers to obey the agricultural strike Conveagro and supported by the National Board Members. Why a strike?
breaks record agricultural exports each year. In 2000 totaled 779 million dollars-res, in 2006 reached 2.066 billion of dollar stores. On the coast, are about one hundred thousand hec-tares of dedicated export the so-Madosa crops' non-traditional. " The production here is organized in large and medium enterprises. The main export crop 'traditional' is coffee, which covers about 300 hectares, mostly in the high forest. In this case the production is by smallholders.
On the other hand, prices of many agricultural commodities have risen, in principle, benefiting tens of thousands of corn farmers, cotton and rice. Why stop then?
First, the coastal export agriculture, with all its importance, does not exceed 13% of acreage that region, and a much smaller percentage of producers. According to the agricultural census of 1994, on the coast more than two hundred thousand small farmers and smallholders, less than 1500 were involu-volved in the production of export crops star, asparagus, with 18.8% of the area. [1] agro-export companies over 50 you do not reach the thousands. In this adventure, exporters, small farming is practically excluded you. No wonder that a high percentage of small farmers feel evil-tar by this fact. It is known that social problems are most notable when there great inequalities.
Secondly, not necessarily the good agricultural commodity prices benefit small farmers by at least two reasons. Production costs have increased by rising prices of inputs. On the other hand, there are several products oligopsonies imposed prices.
Third, in many valleys of the coast there is a high percentage of young unemployed, or many of them - tens of thousands - are casual workers in the modern agro-export companies with low wages and poor working conditions. In the mountains
grievances are even more justified. The region as such home to the majority of farmers in the country, has important public goods deficits: poor communications, poor service to education, and health, culturally undervalued, without access to services necessary for the pro-duc-tion. Irritated also by successive non-compliances of government promises, the latter being the frustration, in Ayacucho, the consultation process started seven months ago from the March of the Waris in July 2007.
Unfortunately the standard response of govern-ment - in general, governments - to the agricultural strikes is threefold. On the one hand, say there is no reason to stop because the issues that drive the conflict and are being negotiated with agricultural organizations and are in the process of solution, and secondly, that the problems of agriculture have many years brewing, and can not be solved by the government of the night morning. Finally, organizations accused of acting on political motivations, practices, and citizens who denounce pro-test as 'agitators', 'misfits' and 'de-delinquents' and are threatened with the Incarnation, by preventing the free Confinement movement of vehicles and people.
The national farm leaders do have compliance confusing role that many regarded as an opportunist, especially seen from the provinces. It is unclear what business and not negotiated, were associated with the agriculture minister. It is obvious that the mechanisms of communication up and down, but also bottom up, are not working adequately. It is doubtful to conclude that these leaderships have been strengthened by the mobilization of the grassroots.
seems clear that the government is arranged to relax the guidelines set out in the presidential manifesto "The symptom of dog in the manger", published in October last year, in which small-scale production has no place in front of the large investment and high export-oriented enterprise.
Basically, the agrarian strike is a protest against the policy. It is also a warning to the capacity of agricultural organizations to effectively defend the claims of its bases.
[1] Census 1998
breaks record agricultural exports each year. In 2000 totaled 779 million dollars-res, in 2006 reached 2.066 billion of dollar stores. On the coast, are about one hundred thousand hec-tares of dedicated export the so-Madosa crops' non-traditional. " The production here is organized in large and medium enterprises. The main export crop 'traditional' is coffee, which covers about 300 hectares, mostly in the high forest. In this case the production is by smallholders.
On the other hand, prices of many agricultural commodities have risen, in principle, benefiting tens of thousands of corn farmers, cotton and rice. Why stop then?
First, the coastal export agriculture, with all its importance, does not exceed 13% of acreage that region, and a much smaller percentage of producers. According to the agricultural census of 1994, on the coast more than two hundred thousand small farmers and smallholders, less than 1500 were involu-volved in the production of export crops star, asparagus, with 18.8% of the area. [1] agro-export companies over 50 you do not reach the thousands. In this adventure, exporters, small farming is practically excluded you. No wonder that a high percentage of small farmers feel evil-tar by this fact. It is known that social problems are most notable when there great inequalities.
Secondly, not necessarily the good agricultural commodity prices benefit small farmers by at least two reasons. Production costs have increased by rising prices of inputs. On the other hand, there are several products oligopsonies imposed prices.
Third, in many valleys of the coast there is a high percentage of young unemployed, or many of them - tens of thousands - are casual workers in the modern agro-export companies with low wages and poor working conditions. In the mountains
grievances are even more justified. The region as such home to the majority of farmers in the country, has important public goods deficits: poor communications, poor service to education, and health, culturally undervalued, without access to services necessary for the pro-duc-tion. Irritated also by successive non-compliances of government promises, the latter being the frustration, in Ayacucho, the consultation process started seven months ago from the March of the Waris in July 2007.
Unfortunately the standard response of govern-ment - in general, governments - to the agricultural strikes is threefold. On the one hand, say there is no reason to stop because the issues that drive the conflict and are being negotiated with agricultural organizations and are in the process of solution, and secondly, that the problems of agriculture have many years brewing, and can not be solved by the government of the night morning. Finally, organizations accused of acting on political motivations, practices, and citizens who denounce pro-test as 'agitators', 'misfits' and 'de-delinquents' and are threatened with the Incarnation, by preventing the free Confinement movement of vehicles and people.
The national farm leaders do have compliance confusing role that many regarded as an opportunist, especially seen from the provinces. It is unclear what business and not negotiated, were associated with the agriculture minister. It is obvious that the mechanisms of communication up and down, but also bottom up, are not working adequately. It is doubtful to conclude that these leaderships have been strengthened by the mobilization of the grassroots.
seems clear that the government is arranged to relax the guidelines set out in the presidential manifesto "The symptom of dog in the manger", published in October last year, in which small-scale production has no place in front of the large investment and high export-oriented enterprise.
Basically, the agrarian strike is a protest against the policy. It is also a warning to the capacity of agricultural organizations to effectively defend the claims of its bases.
[1] Census 1998
asparagus 
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